TÜRKİYE - YEMEN RELATIONS BEFORE AND AFTER THE ARAB SPRING
If we analyse the history of Yemen's existence,
we come across traces of Turks in the region from 1050 to 1517. Firstly,
according to the researches, we can say that during the Great Seljuk period,
the Seljuks extended their sovereignty from their own lands to the lands of
Aden, which is located at the tip of the current Yemen, and that these were the
lands where the Kirman branch of the Great Seljuks lived and ruled. Then we
observe that the geographies in the region were consolidated with Sultan
Alparslan's attempts to take Jerusalem and the capture of Jerusalem with his
son Melikşah in 1073. Then, the Crusades started in 1099 and the Crusaders
coming from Anatolia created the Crusader Counties of Urfa, the Kingdom of
Antioch and the Kingdom of Jerusalem in the region. In this way, Yemen came out
of the Great Seljuk administration, but the Islamic administration in the
region continued to function. At that time, Great Seljuk principalities began
to be established in the Middle East. One of these principalities was the Zengi
atabeylik and Salahattin Ayyubi, who was trained by Nurettin Zengi, captured a
large region there, including Jerusalem. Salahattin Ayyubi sends his armies to
that region, which was left empty after the end of the Great Seljuk Empire, and
captures the region. Then the Mamluks entered Yemen and lived in Yemen for 250
years. This process continued with the conquest of Yemen and Egypt by Yavuz
Sultan Selim in 1517 and the elimination of the Mamluks living there. In 1538,
three major events took place in the Ottoman Empire; the Suleiman the
Magnificent embarked on the Black Taurus Expedition, the Naval Battle of
Preveza was won in the same year and Suleiman Pasha, the Beylerbeyi of Egypt,
set out to help the Muslims in India on the orders of the Magnificent and
returned after establishing control in the region. After these expeditions, the
Ottomans had naval expeditions further away from Yemen to places such as
Malaysia and Indonesia, and the Ottomans used Yemen as a base for these
expeditions. If we analyse the process, the Ottomans took an active role in the
region to suppress the Yemeni imam uprisings.
YEMENIS AND TURKS
Yemenis were known for their loyalty to the
Turks. Between 1916 and 1919, we can consider the Yemen front. During the 1st
World War, the British representative office in Aden was an
important supply centre for the British fleets,
as well as a point where intelligence was gathered about the entire Red Sea
coast and the region. Despite the relatively weak condition of the Ottoman
troops in Yemen, which could not be supplied with sufficient money, weapons and
ammunition due to its distance from the centre, the British did not launch an
advanced operation against the Turks through Aden. Sayyid Idrissi received
money, arms and ammunition support and in return he served British interests.
So much so that during the continuation of the war, Sayyid Idrisi undertook the
task of fighting the Turks and their ally Imam Yahya. Idrisi was suppressed,
but Imam Yahya continued to exist and signed a peace treaty with the Ottomans.
After the arrival of the official from Istanbul with the order to surrender, it
was realised that the evacuation of Yemen was inevitable. The Treaty of
Lausanne legally ended the Ottoman rule in Yemen. After that, the region was
divided into three between the British protectorate in Aden, the Zaydis ruling
San'a and its surroundings, and the Idrisids ruling in Asir and Tihamah.
Although the British occupied Hudaydah for a while, they later left it and the
coast of Tihamah to Sayyid Idrissi. Imam Yahya wanted to expand his sphere of
influence with the support of Mahmud Nedim Bey, who was still with him, and to
get the support of the Ottoman or Ankara Government for this purpose. However,
during the days of the National Struggle in Anatolia, the approach of the
Istanbul and Ankara governments to the post-war situation in Yemen differed.
The Ankara Government did not/ could not respond favourably to Mahmud Nedim
Bey's request for support for the continuation of Turkish influence in Yemen.
Although the TGNA did not determine the official status of the Arabian
Peninsula during the period of the National Struggle in Anatolia, the fate of
this geography outside the borders of the Misak-ı Milli was left to the
initiative of its own nations. It is understood that the GNAT's general attitude
was not to "turn its back" on the entire Arab geography, but the
priority was to ensure independence within the national borders. Following
World War I in Yemen, the independent Zaidi Emirate of Yemen was established
under the leadership of Imam Yahya. When the Ottoman forces withdrew from Yemen
in accordance with the Armistice of Mudros, half of the weapons of the 40th
Division and the cannons and ammunition in Bacil were handed over to Imam
Yahya. Some 700 rifles, which were useless, were abandoned to the British.
Yemen was renamed the Mutawakkili Kingdom of Yemen and Imam Yahya became its
first king. After Sayyid Idrisi died in 1923, the British tried to establish
more contact with Imam Yahya, but Imam Yahya wanted to prevent British
influence in Yemen by signing an agreement with the Italians in 1926, not with
the British. In this treaty, Imam Yahya was recognised by the Italians as the
King of Yemen and his sovereignty in Yemen was accepted. Turkey's diplomatic
relations with Yemen were conducted through the Turkish representation in
Jeddah. In fact, Abdülgani Senî Bey served as Turkey's ambassador to Saudi
Arabia and Yemen from 10 September 1927 to 31 July 1931. It would be a long
time after Ünsî's visit in 1927 before the first Turkish envoy was appointed
to San'a, the administrative centre of Yemen. The first Turkish embassy in
Sana'a was opened on 1 January 1988. The Treaty of Sana'a (1 February 1934) was
signed, in which the Ottoman border with the British territories covering the
Aden region was roughly accepted as the Imam-British border. With this treaty,
the Imam accepted the limits of British rule in Aden. In the text of the same
treaty, Imam Yahya was officially recognised by Britain as the "King of
Yemen". The Republic of Yemen was established in 1990 by the merger of the
Yemen Arab Republic (North Yemen) and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen
(South Yemen). Since 1978, President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had led the Yemen
Arab Republic, became President of the Republic of Yemen and remained in office
until the 2011 popular movement.
The current head of state of Yemen is Abdu Rabbu
Mansur Hadi, the currency is the Yemeni Riyal. The majority of the population
consists of Arabs called "Kahtan". On the Red Sea coast, there are
more than one million African Arabs who migrated to Yemen from Ethiopia,
Eritrea, Somalia and Djibouti many years ago, and who have a different culture
but have largely fused with Yemenis. The main importing countries of Yemen are
the People's Republic of China, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey
and India. In exports; People's Republic of China, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia,
India and Thailand. The products in the main export items are; crude oil, gold,
fish and aquaculture products, palm coffee. If we take a look at the import
items; We can see cereals, iron-steel, petroleum oils, pharmaceuticals, motor
vehicles. Our exports to Yemen, which reached its highest level with 643.8
million dollars in 2014, decreased significantly in 2015 due to the internal
turmoil in Yemen and fell below 400 million dollars. After recovering in 2016,
exports totalled USD 571 million in 2017 and USD 730 million in 2018. Turkey's
main export products are; iron and steel, motor vehicles and parts, medicine,
cereals, flour, dairy products, cement, footwear, carpets. In import products;
We can see frozen fish and coffee. We can talk about Bilateral Cooperation
Mechanisms between Turkey and Yemen. The first of these is the Joint Economic
Commission Meeting (KEK). Here, the 6th period meeting was held in Sana'a,
Yemen on 23-23 November 2012. The second one is the Business Council. The
establishment agreement of the Turkish-Yemeni Business Council was signed on 11
January 2011 between DEIK and "Federation of Yemen Chambers of Commerce
and Industry". The Prime Ministry Investment Support and Promotion Agency,
one of the institutions transformed under the Presidential Government System,
and the Ministry of Development organised the "2018 Turkish-Yemeni
Business Forum" in Adana and Mersin on 10-13 January 2018. The second Forum
was held in Konya on 12-15 November 2018 by the Presidential Investment Office
in cooperation with the Mevlana Development Agency.
So what is what we call the Arab Spring? In
general terms, the revolutions in North African countries and Middle Eastern
countries are called the Arab Spring. The reason why these revolutions are
called spring is the revolt of the people against the dictatorial regimes in
Arab countries that have been in place for centuries. Due to its complexity and
ongoing dynamism, there is no easily agreed upon conceptual framework. This
situation can be easily seen in the different nomenclatures that emerged during
the conceptualisation process. (Arab Spring, Arab Winter, Social Media
Revolution, etc.) Yemen, like other Arab countries, is one of the countries
negatively affected by this process. Yemen is almost in the "state of
nature" stage before state building. Factors such as chaos, conflict,
feudal contradictions, tribalism, openness to foreign intervention, and the
impact of the traumatic colonial process have turned Yemen into a seemingly
insurmountable structure. The first uprising started on 17 December 2010 in Tunisia
when 26-year-old itinerant Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the
governor's office. The mass revolt started by the unemployed Mohamed Bouazizi
grew and continued with a domino effect. With this revolt, the Arab people
overcame the walls of fear and fought for
democracy, but the new gains they achieved will
make the old ones look like the old ones. In the 19th century, with the use of
oil in industry, industry and military fields, the Middle East and North Africa
region was clamped by Western countries with its rich resources. In the 21st
century, instability, despotic governments, economic difficulties and radical
movements have been a problem in these regions for years. In addition to
dictatorial regimes, unemployment, food inflation, political corruption, freedom
of expression and poor living conditions are at the root of these uprisings.
For decades, this region has been characterised by rich natural resources. The
fact that the region's high income from natural resources is under the control
of only a certain group of people and that this group of people ignores the
demands of the people for democracy and welfare increase has brought social
tension to a high level. In 1968, a Czechoslovakian student set himself on fire
to protest against the government during the Warsaw Pact revolts in
Czechoslovakia called the Prague Spring. On 17 December 2010, history repeated
itself again and Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in Tunisia. With this
sadness, the streets of Tunisia were filled with protesters. Security forces
were ineffective and the protest spread all over the country. With the death of
Mohamed Bouazizi, everyone who was dissatisfied with the system started the
Tunisian revolution. Zine El Ben Ali, who ruled the country for 4 years, fled
the country with his family when he realised that they could not prevent the
situation and the revolution became successful. This situation inspired other
Arab states ruled by one-man regimes and thus sparked the Arab Spring.
Subsequently, there were many changes of government in Tunisia and finally the
first democratic elections were held and Tunisia became a democratic country.
The protests spread from Tunisia to Algeria and from Algeria to Yemen. Yemen is
a politically young country. After World War I, it separated from the Ottoman
Empire and gained a separate political entity. The southern part of Yemen
gained independence as South Yemen with the withdrawal of Britain from the
region after 1967. This date can be pointed out as the triangulation point of
confusion, conflict, uncertainty and instability in Yemen. In the 1970s, as a
result of the Cold War effect felt on the global level, the dominance of a
Marxist-oriented understanding of governance in Yemen caused resistance and
reaction from the structure with traditional forms in the region. This
ideological rivalry has led to social tension, conflict and mobility. Hundreds
of thousands of people who were disturbed by the ideological approaches of the
Southern administration had to migrate towards the North. This situation has
also created a North-South tension. With the dissolution of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics after the end of the Cold War and socialism ceasing to be
an ideal, Yemen experienced another version of the new political restructuring
process, especially in Eastern Europe. In 1990, North and South Yemen were
united under the name "Republic of Yemen". Although one of the main
objectives of this unification was to ensure political stability, political
cracks and conflicts with a historical background continued in the new
political process. The 1994 civil war was suppressed by the Northern forces in
a short time. The conflicts in the country continue until today.
REASONS
One of the triggers of the Arab Spring is
considered to be the social media revolution. The social media revolution has
facilitated the mobilisation of the masses against the powers that be through
the possibility of social communication that is difficult to control and
prevent. This situation has also provided masses and groups with the
possibility and flexibility of political organisation. Opposition groups in
Yemen have utilised this opportunity. The humanitarian tragedies in Yemen did
not occupy the agenda of the international community as much as Iraq or Syria.
On 18 January 2011, a popular uprising against Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had
ruled the country since 1978, led to his removal from office. In 2012, Ali
Abdullah Saleh's deputy, Abd Rabbuh Mansur, replaced him, but the new
administration failed to provide security in the country. As a result,
organisations such as al-Qaeda found a space for themselves to operate in the
country, while the Houthis, taking advantage of the administrative vacuum, advanced
to the capital Sana'a and staged a coup d'état against the government. After
the coup, Saudi Arabia decided to intervene militarily in Yemen and this was
the breaking point for the civil war in the country. This situation brought
poverty, hunger, thirst and epidemics and caused many deaths among the people
of Yemen. From there, it affected Egypt, and from Egypt it affected Syria. The
consequences in Syria have also negatively affected Turkey. The events in Syria
have turned from protests into a civil war. Today, with the involvement of
Turkey, Russia and Iran, it has become unsolvable. Although Yemen is considered
a typical country with alarming levels of socio-economic and socio-political
problems like other Middle Eastern countries, it stands out in terms of the
impact and depth of the post-Arab Spring conflicts, reflecting heartbreaking
dramas. Political instability, North-South tension, social fault lines
characterised by the colonial past, violence, security problems, poverty,
nepotism and authoritarian governance. Factors such as feudal structure
(tribal-dominated structure), terrorism, ethnic, religious and cultural
fragilities and enmities, and a political structure that could not establish
its sovereignty had led Yemen to multidimensional instability from which it
could not escape. The 33-year rule of ousted President Ali Abdullah's policies,
which depended on keeping these fault lines alive, are among the reasons that
have brought Yemen to the present day.
According to the March 2022 report, 610 thousand
civilians lost their lives in the Syrian Civil War, which has been going on for
12 years, while 10 million Syrians, mostly in our country, have migrated to
different countries. In addition to these, there are also several historical
reasons. For example, we can say that the current states in the Arabian
Peninsula and North Africa were established at the end of the First World War
with the planning of European powers, the sense of oppression brought on the
Arab peoples by the fact that they were established in the interests of the
West, the Arabs' feeling of being deceived, deceived, humiliated by the West
during the 1900s, and the humiliations accumulated by the defeats, unequal
agreements, capitulations, humiliations in their lives for generations and even
centuries. We can also add that people are overwhelmed by the oppressive and
corrupt understanding of governance (governing the country by having the army,
police and intelligence and relying on the West), the social crisis caused by
the inability to find jobs for those who come from the bottom and those who
grow up with the rapid population growth, and that people are not benefiting
from social and cultural freedoms. In economic terms, the 2008-2009 Global
Economic Crisis and the unpreparedness of the countries in the region that do
not have oil, the fact that even Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries were
affected by the 2008 economic crisis, the inability of Middle Eastern workers
to send foreign currency back to their countries, food inflation, unemployment
and poverty (the unemployment rate of university
graduates in Tunisia is 55 per cent. In Syria, 50 per cent of those under the
age of 25 are unemployed, and 25 per cent of the country as a whole is
unemployed), the fact that the revenues of countries are not invested in the
interests and future of the citizens of the country, and that the revenues of
countries are not used for industrialisation, development and healthy
investments. The unstable structure in Yemen before the Arab Spring has
colonial, internal and external causes. The British colonial process is among
the most important reasons for the present fragmented structure. The
"divide and rule" approach, which is the manifestation of the British
imperial strategy, has transformed this region into a fragmented structure. The
interventions of countries such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia, which claim to be
regional powers, have been another destabilising factor. For example, the
intervention of Egypt and Saudi Arabia after the 1962 coup led to bloody
internal conflicts and human suffering. Egypt's and Saudi Arabia's military and
political intervention in Yemen internationalised Yemen's problems, which could
be considered as internal issues. Thus, the conflicts have gained a more
complex outlook. This situation also transformed Yemen into a state dependent
on foreign countries and open to foreign operations. This feature still
persists. The involvement of organisations such as DAESH and al-Qaeda, which
are considered as non- state actors, in the intervention of states should also
be underlined. Especially the Arab Spring provided great opportunities for
these organisations. We will analyse the poverty and unemployment data
according to the 2011 World Bank Database data in the countries where the Arab
Spring took place. Tunisia 18 and 3.8, Egypt 12.2 and 20, Libya 30 and 33,
Syria 12.3 and 11.9, Yemen 35 and 45.8, Bahrain 15 and MD. According to the
World Bank Database, the lowest and highest income distribution in the
countries where the Arab Spring took place is as follows: Tunisia 2.3 and 31.5,
Egypt 2.9 and 27.6, Libya MD and MD, Syria MD and MD, Yemen 2.9 and 30.8,
Bahrain MD and MD. It is not possible to access clear data on Yemen's economy
in the current period. Faced with civil war in 2015, the country collapsed in
terms of infrastructure and economic system. Since there was a structural
poverty and underdevelopment due to factors such as conflicts, mismanagement,
corruption, depletion of natural resources before the civil war, problems
related to accessing clear data on the economic structure can be underlined. In
Yemen, which is deprived of basic humanitarian services such as electricity,
water and health, it seems quite difficult to search for data on the economic
system. It is necessary to reach political solutions for the construction of
economic infrastructure in Yemen. The political structure or structures in
Yemen cannot respond to the basic security and economic needs of the people.
Therefore, there is an external dependent structure. Seeing this structure,
regional and global actors can transform foreign aid into foreign intervention
and approach it within the framework of their economic and political agendas.
Chronic political instability in Yemen has prevented economic development and
integration into the global economic system.
POLITICAL REASONS
Apart from these, if we talk about the political
reasons of the Arab Spring, we can talk about the failure of the leaders in the
Arab countries to take steps towards democratisation, failure to democratise,
and leadership problems, despite the understanding that democracy is the best
form of government that human beings have been able to establish so far. The
Arab Spring directly affected 19 countries. These are Tunisia, Algeria,
Lebanon, Jordan, Mauritania, Sudan, Oman, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Syria, Djibouti,
Morocco, Iraq, Bahrain, Iran, Libya, Kuwait and Bahrain. In some countries,
such as Yemen, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Syria, there have been nationwide
protests, a violent process in which public property was looted, state
officials fled the country, street demonstrations and civil disobedience were
observed, ruling parties were disbanded, parliament was suspended and the armed
forces took over. The rulers of the country were captured by the opposition and
executed without trial, and the process, which reached up to armed clashes and
occupation of cities, later turned into a civil war in real terms. The change
of leaders and regimes in some countries mobilised their opponents and the
opposition took control of some cities in an environment of conflict and
turmoil that still continues today. 2010 - 2016 Looking at the World Data Bank
information, the per capita income in Yemen decreased from 4,388 USD to 3,805
USD in 2010. The fact that this date is related to the period when the Arab
Spring erupted, it can be said that the Arab Spring had an impact on the
decline in per capita income. While no noticeable effect was observed between
2011 and 2012, a systematic decline in per capita income has been observed
since 2014. This decline reached as low as 2507 USD in 2016. Since 2017 data
could not be obtained due to the civil war and conflicts in 2017, data for 2017
could not be shared and included in the analysis. In order to measure the
economic impact of the Arab Spring, it is also important to look at the rate of
change in the number of tourists travelling to Yemen. In 2010, Yemen received
more than 1 million tourists, but this number gradually decreased due to the
Arab Spring and the civil war that followed. In the year when the Arab Spring
started and its impact was seen, a serious decline in the number of tourists
coming to Yemen is observed. From the 1 million threshold, the number of
tourists dropped to 829 thousand. In 2015, when the civil war broke out, this
number decreased to 366 thousand. 2015 was a turning point for Yemen like 2011.
As a result of the deepening of the civil war and foreign interventions, the
economic structure suffered a major collapse. As seen in the table, imports,
exports, per capita income and gross domestic product ratios have exhibited a
serious downward trend since then. These data show that the Arab Spring had a
negative impact on the Yemeni economy. Yemen has recently become an example of
the "failed state" model, which is considered as a destabilising
factor in international politics. The most prominent dimension of this
political structure, which is seen especially in Africa and the Middle East, is
that it gives the appearance of not being able to fully carry the qualification
of a state in the international community. This situation presents a structure
that is open to external intervention and almost invites intervention in
internal and external areas. Civil war and internal tensions stand out in
countries with such political cracks and conflict fault lines. Yemen is one of
these countries. The Arab Spring has exacerbated this weakness of Yemen. The
crisis in Yemen has transformed from a national issue into an international
crisis. In this context, just as "failed states" threaten the global
system, the events in Yemen are seen as a threat to regional and global
stability. Characteristics such as a social structure prone to violence, social
chaos and rapid population growth are the general characteristics of
"failed states". Although the concept of the failed state has gained
visibility and usage especially in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks
through countries such as Afghanistan that are experiencing a crisis of central
authority and sovereignty, the historical background of this concept goes back
to the late World War I Europe, as in Yemen.
To look at the region from Turkey's perspective, it is necessary to see that for Turkey, as a country in the region, the issue has turned into a foreign policy area in which it is involved beyond monitoring. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu frequently, and President Abdullah Gül from time to time, made comprehensive statements on the process since the first days of the developments in Egypt, and made clear and precise statements on what steps the Egyptian, Libyan and Syrian statesmen, who were their interlocutors, should take. As a result of such statements, which resonated widely and appreciated especially among Arab rights, the level of sympathy for Turkish statesmen and the Republic of Turkey in general has reached very high levels at the individual level and the manifestations of this positive approach have been seen in many ways. It would not be correct to think that the statements made from the Turkish side, from the highest levels of politics and giving strong support to the popular movements, were purely individual preferences and emotional statements made under the influence of the events at that time. It would be more accurate to think that behind Turkey's approach is a state policy calculated towards a certain goal. Western states, seeing that these intra-society cultural differences carry serious conflict potential, especially after the September 11 attacks, decided that religion and state affairs should not be handled within the framework of strictly secular/secular practices, but in a way that would not make it difficult to maintain order in society, individual cultural freedoms and local characteristics should be experienced, and at the same time, modern They concluded that the world should be regulated through the adoption of forms of government as well. For this reason, in order to "transform" the societies in question within the scope of a very long-term process, while Western countries made certain initiatives in the region from inside and outside, they also gave importance to searching and revealing concrete examples that these communities could take as a model for themselves. At this point, the political and social environment that emerged in Turkey as a result of the developments in the last decade began to be considered in the West, and especially in the USA, as being very suitable for the desired model in the "Greater Middle East" geography. Turkey, which has adopted a Western-type democratic regime and the majority of its population is Muslim, has become a country to be admired for its religious and cultural freedoms and democratic form of government, not only in this respect, but also in the eyes of the people who have begun to overthrow dictatorships one by one, due to its historical ties with countries where popular movements spilled onto the streets. It would not be wrong to say that it has arrived. This situation led Western countries to adopt a policy of supporting Turkey's contribution to the development and shaping of the process by taking a more active role. During the developments in Tunisia, Turkey, along with a large part of the world, was trying to understand what was happening and that it correctly read the resistance movement in Tahrir Square in the capital Cairo, which was launched against Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, who came immediately after Tunisia, and also responded to it. It is possible to say that it was introduced at the right time compared to many countries. Prime Minister Erdoğan's speech from the rostrum at his party's group meeting in the Turkish Grand National Assembly, sending a clear message to Mubarak to withdraw, was an important threshold in Turkey-Egypt relations. Turkey, which displayed an attitude against external intervention until a certain stage after the popular movement spread to Libya, did not delay in sending messages to Muammar Gaddafi that he should read the developing process carefully and withdraw, before and during the NATO operations. Finally, Turkey's highest-ranking statesmen, who first advised Bashar Assad that he should make reforms due to the conflicts in Syria, but after he did not heed these calls, gave clear messages that he should withdraw, one of the basic principles of the foreign policy of the republican period. It can be thought that they are displaying an attitude that is contrary to the principle of "not interfering in the internal affairs of other countries". This understanding, which dominated a significant part of the 20th century, gained ground with the establishment of the League of Nations in the 1920s and the adoption of the understanding that international peace and stability would be maintained by respecting the borders and territorial integrity of other countries in foreign policy. The Charter of Nations created a stronger norm by recognizing that it is illegal for countries to use force against each other, except for two exceptional cases. With the end of the conditions of the Cold War period that restricted countries' room for maneuver, some countries tried to solve their problems that had accumulated for many years by setting aside the rules of law, paving the way for the process in which foreign intervention against these countries was accepted. As a matter of fact, the intervention, albeit delayed, against the Serbian aggression that resulted in the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia, set an example. However, it should not be forgotten that similar aggressions have been seen, for example, hundreds of thousands of people were massacred in Rwanda due to the lack of external intervention. It is understandable that Turkey, based on the principle of "humanitarian intervention", which is more accepted in the 21st century, has developed a harsh attitude towards the statesmen of the countries that exhibit "inhumane behavior" in its foreign policy discourse and at the same time damage Turkey's interests with these behaviors. situation happens. The point to be discussed at this point may be whether the attitude in question should be made loudly in front of large masses or whether results should be tried to be achieved through silent diplomacy. It should not be forgotten that this is a political choice and this political decision may have been taken by taking into account the effects of the attitudes put forward in foreign policy on domestic politics. The process called Arab Spring, which is seen as a series of developing and changing events in Turkey's neighboring countries, is not just a political event. This event undoubtedly has economic, social, cultural and geographical effects. Turkey, which has not been able to develop economic, strategic and commercial relations at the desired level with its neighbors for years, has started to establish smooth and harmonious relations with its neighbors in the last decade. It is no surprise that we have started to see the economic benefits of naturally developed relationships. Exports and imports with neighboring countries are important indicators for improving the country's development level. Trade volumes with neighboring countries are increasing every year. At this point, the turmoil, political and economic instability, civil war and civil conflicts in the relevant countries during the so-called Arab Spring will also affect Turkey, with which Turkey has economic, political, cultural and geographical relations. The Arab Spring has not only economic but also social effects. There is migration to Turkey from the countries where the Arab Spring took place, and some social and economic costs are incurred for the people who come to avoid being victimized. The Arab Spring undoubtedly tested Turkey's influence in the region. Turkey's strategic importance increased and decreased during World War I, World War II and the Cold War. During this period, Turkey's regional role was undoubtedly put to the test. In Table 1 and Table 2, Turkey's role in exports and imports with the main countries where the Arab Spring took place will be tested. In Table 1, the dollar values of Turkey's exports to the main countries where the Arab Spring took place between 2005 and 2012 are given.
Turkey is 191,993, the number of patients and
injured is 242, and the number of companions is 87. Table 3 shows the latest
situation of Syrian refugees on a provincial basis.
Considering the total number of refugees in Table
3, this figure is higher than the population of some provinces in Turkey
(Kilis: 114,724, Ardahan: 133,756, Bayburt: 97,358, Tunceli: 93,584, Iğdır:
168,634). Turkey initially opened its borders to refugees in order not to
remain indifferent to the human tragedy and to provide shelter for people
fleeing the conflicts in Syria. However, refugee inflow to the country
continued rapidly and tent cities were established in 8 provinces of Turkey for
refugees. The issues that pose a problem here are how many refugees Turkey can
host, how many more refugees will enter the country, and the legal status of
refugees. In the camps established for refugees during violent incidents,
Turkey meets the needs of refugees such as food, drink, shelter, health and
school. However, these tent cities have been established temporarily and what
the future of the refugees here will be is uncertain. In addition, the
increasing number of refugees passing from Syria to the Turkish border every
day has caused tensions between Turkey and Syria to escalate. The tension
between Türkiye and Syria will be reflected in future issues. In the refugee
crisis, although Turkey opened its borders in order not to remain indifferent
to an existing humanitarian crisis, this situation also became a factor that
disrupted relations. As long as Bashar Assad continues to see the state he
inherited from his father as his own and does not heed the calls of the
international community, the loss of life will be even greater, deadlock and
violence will continue. The fact that the UN does not take any concrete steps,
but puts pressure on the countries where refugees take shelter on issues such
as opening borders to refugees, puts a burden on the shoulders of these states,
including Turkey. These refugees, who are placed in tent cities for a temporary
stay, pose a problem for the countries they live in and will continue to do so.
It is possible to consider Türkiye-Yemen
relations in many dimensions. However, it is useful to examine these in terms
of official relations, one of which includes relations at the governmental
level, and the other in terms of relations at the commercial and social level.
Thus, it will be possible to better demonstrate that Turkey-Yemen relations
have undergone a serious change at both levels. The main factors that feed
Yemenis' perception and interest in Turkey can be listed as the Ottoman period,
the Imam Yahya period and finally the positive repercussions of the new policy
that Turkey began to follow in the Middle East after the 2003 Iraq War. Despite
the Ottoman legacy in Yemen, government-level relations between Turkey and
Yemen did not develop at the desired level until the early 1990s. Following
Prime Minister Turgut Özal's visit to Yemen on December 20, 1986, the first
Turkish Embassy was opened in Sanaa in 1988. After the unification of the two
Yemens in 1990, Turkey-Yemen relations continued to be low- intensity. The
relations between the two sides first started in July 2005, during the visit of
Foreign Minister Abdullah Gül to Yemen within the framework of the meeting of
the Organization of Islamic Conference; Then, it started to change with the
visit of Yemeni Prime Minister Abdulqadir Bajammal to Turkey and Prime Minister
Erdoğan's visit to Yemen in October 2005. In a statement to the press about
his visit to Yemen, Prime Minister Erdoğan said, "We felt that the Yemeni
side had a real desire to develop relations in many different areas."
Erdoğan also added that his meeting with President Ali Abdullah Salih was very
productive and that President Salih encouraged them to develop relations
between the two countries in the political, economic, commercial and cultural
fields. Visits between mutual delegations reached their highest level at the
beginning of 2008. In this context, Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Salih paid a
visit to Turkey as the official guest of President Abdullah Gül on 25-26 February.
In this first visit between Turkey and Yemen at the presidential level, the
parties exchanged ideas on regional and international issues, as well as
political, economic and cultural relations. Abdullah Salih's visit was
accompanied by high-level bureaucrats, businessmen and ministers. During the
meeting with Abdullah Gül, in addition to the problems in Iraq, issues such as
the Palestine issue, the fight against terrorism, and increasing mutual
commercial investments were also brought to the agenda. In his statement to the
press, the Yemeni President touched upon the role played by Yemen and Turkey in
solving the Palestine problem, and then expressed his satisfaction with the
role played by Yemen in overcoming the presidential crisis in Lebanon, and stated
that he supported Turkey, which announced Yemen's candidacy for the temporary
membership of the Security Council. Before the visit of President Abdullah
Salih, the "Turkey- Yemen Joint Committee Third Term Meeting
Protocol" signed in Ankara on September 7, 2005 was approved. Within the
scope of the protocol, it was decided to carry out joint studies in many areas
such as commercial, cultural, energy, health and tourism. It can be seen that a
number of mutual visits were carried out in 2009 to improve relations between
the parties. In this context, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali Babacan paid an
official visit to Yemen in February 2009. We can observe that some efforts were
made to improve Turkey-Yemen relations, especially during the visit of Foreign
Minister Ali Babacan. In the study titled "Ottoman Resurrection"
published in Foreign Policy magazine, Turkey's increasing influence in the Arab
world was once again brought to the agenda by emphasizing the Ottoman Governor
protocol applied to Babacan in Yemen. During his contacts in Yemen, Babacan
gave an interview to Nadia Al Sakkaf, the first female Editor-in-Chief of Yemen
Times, and stated that the relations between the two countries are perfectly
good. As a matter of fact, the development of relations at the official level
soon affected Turkey's policies against the violence in Yemen. During the days
when the tension between the parties in Yemen escalated, Turkey did not
directly intervene in internal problems, although it was initially concerned
that the problem would turn into a regional crisis. However, in the official
statements made by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it was clearly stated that
Yemen's territorial integrity is supported. In the days when the tension
between Shiite forces and government troops turned into armed conflict in June,
the statement made by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the subject on June
18, 2009 said, "Turkey supports the stability, national unity and
territorial integrity of Yemen." The statement continued: "The
violent incidents that have occurred in recent months in friendly and brotherly
Yemen, whose roots are based on a long, common history and where our relations
can be described as excellent, and which target the political stability of the
country, are regretted. Turkey's support to the Yemeni government was further
concretized with a cash aid of 100 thousand US dollars to the call for aid
announced to the international public by the World Food Programme. As a result,
it is noteworthy that Turkey openly supports the Sanaa government in the face
of violence in Yemen. In this context, Turkey joined the Friends of Yemen
group, which was established to overcome the problems in
Yemen, and in this context began to make an
international effort to solve the Yemen problem. As a matter of fact, in the
official letter sent by Abdullah Gül to the President of Yemen on the occasion
of the national unity day in June 2010, Turkey stated that every He emphasized
the importance he attaches to Yemen's stability, national integrity and
security, and stated that from now on, Ankara will stand by the Yemenis, whom
they define as brothers. Relations at the social level between Turkey and Yemen
show themselves in the economic, commercial and educational fields. It is very
important that Turkish TV series are shown in Yemen, that Turkish media members
organize visits to Yemen, that Turkey undertakes the restoration of some
historical monuments in Yemen, and that Turkish schools in Yemen expand their
influence both numerically and in terms of their field of activity.
"Nur" series, which was also shown in Yemen, the Yemen documentary of
the "Mirror" program, which was shown in Turkey, events and meetings
organized by the Turkey-Yemen Joint Committee to develop cooperation in many
fields from tourism to health, and lastly, the meeting of Turkish businessmen
in November 2010. The meeting held in Yemen shows that relations between the
two countries are changing rapidly. Social relations between the two countries
have reached a very important stage, beyond mutual visits, with cooperation in
the fields of health and education. At the 5th Term Meeting of the Turkey-Yemen
Joint Committee held in June 2010, on the one hand, a cooperation
implementation protocol in the field of tourism was signed, and on the other
hand, the request of the Yemeni side to increase the quota in scholarships
related to university and higher education was met positively. Making a
statement in this context, Minister of State and Deputy Prime Minister Bülent
Arınç said that the number of scholarships at the undergraduate level was
increased to 15 for the 2010-2011 academic period and to 10 at the graduate
level, and in addition, the number of scholarships at the undergraduate level
was increased to 20 as of the 2011-2012 academic period. He stated that it is
envisaged to be increased to . According to Sadık Yıldız, Founding President of
the Turkish - Yemen Business Council, the Turkey-Yemen Business Council was
established in 2009 between the two countries in order to develop commercial
and economic relations between Turkey and Yemen. Perhaps the most important
civil initiative to increase economic relations is the business trip organized
by a business delegation of 57 people to Yemen between 18-21 October 2010, with
the organization MARİFED under the coordination of TUSKON. The fact that
approximately 350 businessmen from Yemen participated in the bilateral business
meetings held on October 19 in cooperation with TUSKON, Federation of Yemen
Chambers of Commerce and Sana'a Chamber of Commerce, shows the importance that
Yemenis attach to close cooperation with Turkey in terms of trade. After the
Arab Spring, in the agreement signed in Riyadh on November 23, 2011, deposed
leader Abdullah Saleh handed over the presidency to his deputy Mansur Hadi in
exchange for legal immunity, and the National Unity Government was established
in December 2011, in which the ruling party and the opposition were equally
represented. . The signed agreement also gives the newly established
government; It presented a two-year road map that included conditions such as
restructuring the military, addressing transitional legal issues, and
establishing a national dialogue conference to be attended by all parties. The
purpose of the UDK to be convened was to create a constitution before the
elections planned to be held in February 2014. UDK, which started on March 18,
2013, with the participation of 565 delegates consisting of representatives of
all segments of the country; It was envisaged that it would work on a total of
nine issues: Southern issue, Northern issue, transitional law, state building,
good governance, armed and security forces, private organizations, rights and
freedoms and development. In the seat distribution of the delegates
participating in the UDK; 263 to political parties (112 to the General People's
Congress, which ruled the country under Saleh's leadership
for 33 years, 50 to al-Islah, 37 to the Yemen
Socialist Party, and the remaining 14 to other minority parties), 120 to 85 to
the movements (85 to al-Hirak and 35 to the Houthis), 120 to independents (40
to women, 40 to youth and the other 40 to civil society) and the remaining 62
to Mansour Hadi himself was done. In addition to developments such as Yemen's
dysfunctional public institutions and organizations, deepening divisions in the
country, the weakness of the central authority, which deepened with the Arab
Spring, the Houthis' expansion of their control in al-Jawf, Hajjah and Amran,
the surrounding provinces centered in Sadah, al-Hirak's expansion. UDK
continued under other simultaneous factors such as maintaining its pro-
separatist demands and AYEK expanding its Abyan-centered control, taking
advantage of the authority vacuum that emerged; By the time it ended in January
2014, it had published nearly 1,800 views, opinions, and conclusions. The CAB
did not result in an absolute consensus, but one of the important results that
came to the fore at the conference was; It was the idea of a federal system put
forward to resolve the existing conflicts in the country (especially al-Hirak
and Houthi). On February 6, the Houthis; He declared that he dissolved the
parliament, formed a five-person Supreme Revolutionary Committee, and appointed
Muhammad Ali al-Houthi, who led the troops that captured the capital Sanaa, as
the head of this committee. The legitimacy of the military operations in Yemen,
which started in March 2015 in response to Mansur Hadi's request and continues
today, is a controversial issue in terms of international law. In November
2021, the crown prince of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Mohammed b. Zayed
visited Turkey. There has been regional competition and, from time to time,
indirect conflict between the UAE and Turkey for the last 10 years, especially
due to the environment created by the Arab Spring process. Due to all these
developments, relations between the two countries have fallen to their lowest
levels in history. Turkey's support of the people's demands for democratization
and change during the Arab Spring; It was perceived as an existential threat by
authoritarian regimes such as Egypt and Israel, as well as by the UAE and other
Gulf monarchies. In this environment, the UAE pursued an active policy against
Turkey's policies in the region by trying to create a pact in the region
including Israel, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. However, Biden's coming to power in
the USA caused a change in the foreign policies of many countries. Gradually
softening its relations first with Qatar and then with other countries in the
region, the UAE entered a rapid recovery process with Turkey. It is estimated
that the relations between the two countries will be further developed in the
coming period, and the effects of this situation will even be reflected in
Turkey's relations with other countries in the Arabian Peninsula. Acting with a
realistic approach, the two actors seem determined to put aside their competition
and conflict-based policies and take the necessary steps to normalize
relations. So much so that the parties demonstrated a common will for economic
and regional cooperation. These developments, which are the beginning of a new
process, show that diplomacy and dialogue will come to the fore in Gulf-Turkey
relations from now on.
CONCLUSION
Following the visit of the UAE crown prince to
Ankara, it was announced that President Erdoğan will visit the UAE and Saudi
Arabia in February 2022. This visit, planned for next month, will be the first
visit in 12 years. Although bilateral relations and economic cooperation issues
are expected to come to the fore during this visit, it is evaluated that the
visit may also create new opportunities for the solution of the ongoing
humanitarian crises in the region. This visit of President Erdoğan to the region
is of great importance for the future of the ongoing war
in Libya, Syria, Iraq, the Eastern Mediterranean
and especially in Yemen. Turkey, which never wanted to be directly involved in
the Emen War, contented itself with providing technical support to the military
operation organized by the Arab Coalition in 2015. Although there were
occasional reports in both the Arab and foreign media that Turkish UAVs were
used in the region, Ankara declared that these news were not true. In addition,
it has been stated at every opportunity that the main goal of Turkey's policy
in Yemen is to solve the humanitarian crisis in the country. To date, Ankara
has supported UN peace initiatives as well as other initiatives to resolve the
crisis in Yemen. Moreover, Turkish public opinion was not indifferent to the
humanitarian crisis in Yemen; Turkish non-governmental organizations actively
carried out humanitarian aid work in Yemen. Turkey donated two sets of field
hospitals with 50 beds to Yemen, one in Aden province and the other in Taiz.
Turkey, which politically supports the legitimate government in Yemen but is
careful not to take sides in the conflicts, is also taken into consideration by
local groups such as Islah due to the policy it follows. Therefore, the
normalization of Turkey-Gulf relations could be an important opportunity both
to end the ongoing conflicts between these groups and the militias supported by
the UAE and to resolve the disputes. As a result, there is no doubt that
President Erdogan's visit to the Gulf is an important visit with high
expectations for both Turkey and the region. It should be noted that this visit
could be a first step to at least reach a compromise that will alleviate the
suffering of the Yemeni people and to meet the country's development
expectations, especially education and health, in the short term. In short,
Turkey's presence in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea can make significant
contributions to the peace process in Yemen, and President Erdogan's contacts
in the Gulf can be a turning point for Yemen as well as for Turkey. This will
undoubtedly be a very important gain for both the Yemeni people and regional
peace. To make matters worse, aid to Yemen has started to decrease in recent
years. The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) reported that it had to
reduce its aid to starving people in Yemen because it was in financial
difficulties. In the statement made in January 2021, it was stated that the
daily food amount given to 8 million Yemenis would be halved. A Food Program
officer who has just returned from Yemen's capital, Sanaa, told the BBC that if
there are not enough financial resources, 5 million people who are at risk of
falling into hunger at any moment may lose their daily food aid. The World Food
Program had reported that its food stocks were very low and that further cuts
would soon become inevitable. According to the report titled "2022 Global
Food Crisis", the humanitarian crisis in the country has reached very bad
levels due to conflicts, extreme weather conditions and the economic effects of
the COVID-19 epidemic. That's why aid needs to be started with urgent basic
food. It should not be limited to just food aid. Because the suffering does not
end only with hunger. In addition to these, there are also increasing deaths
due to the lack of clean water and health. Unless a helping hand is reached,
the situation will only get worse. That's why support needs to be given to
Yemen. Food aid, water aid, medical equipment aid, education and clothing aid
should be made in a specific list, listing the aid to be prioritized.
KAYNAKÇA
1)Sosyal Medya ve Arap Baharı, Murat TEKEK, Gazi Üniversitesi
U.İ.B.http://www.orsam.org.tr/tr/yazigoster.aspx?ID=2964
2)http://www.tdk.gov.tr/index.php?option=com_gts&arama=gts&guid=TDK.GTS.50aa6a121
3e966.57775654
3)GODAT (Gazi Üniversitesi Ortadoğu Araştırmaları Topluluğu) tarafından
4 Mayıs 2012’de düzenlenen “Arap Baharı Sonrası Ortadoğu” konulu toplantıda
Doç. Dr. Mehmet ŞAHİN’ in konuşmasından
4)Akademik Ortadoğu Dergisi, Sayı:11, Sayfa:1-22, Buazizi’nin Yaktığı
Ateş:21.Yüzyılın Başında Arap İsyanları, Birol BAŞKAN, Georgetown
University, School of Foreign Service- Katar, Doha
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Washington Institute Improving the Quality of U.S.
Middle East Policy.
https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/fikraforum/view/aqap-in-south-
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ErişimTarihi: 4.2.2020
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(Editörler). Ortadoğu Yıllığı 2010. (Birinci Baskı).
Açılım
Kitap, 313-34
7)Albloshi, H. H. (2016). “Ideological Roots of the Hūthī Movement in
Yemen”. Journal of Arabian Studies. 6(2), 143-62
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International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism
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9)Alley, A. L. (2013). “Assessing (in) security after the Arab Spring: The
Case of Yemen”. PS: Political Science and Politics. 46(4),
721-6
10) Alwazir, A. Z. (2013). “Yemen’s Independent Youth and Their Role in the
National Dialogue Conference: Triggering a Change in
Political Culture”. SWP Comments. No.23
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